Political change – Jury Team http://juryteam.org/ Sun, 15 May 2022 09:34:00 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.9.3 https://juryteam.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/icon-10-120x120.png Political change – Jury Team http://juryteam.org/ 32 32 Protests in Sri Lanka for political change set to continue, says new prime minister https://juryteam.org/protests-in-sri-lanka-for-political-change-set-to-continue-says-new-prime-minister/ Sun, 15 May 2022 09:34:00 +0000 https://juryteam.org/protests-in-sri-lanka-for-political-change-set-to-continue-says-new-prime-minister/ In an unusual move, Sri Lanka’s new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has given public support to protesters, who have been camping at a popular beach here for more than a month, calling for the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for mishandling the country’s worst economic crisis. The prime minister said on Saturday […]]]>

In an unusual move, Sri Lanka’s new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has given public support to protesters, who have been camping at a popular beach here for more than a month, calling for the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for mishandling the country’s worst economic crisis.

The prime minister said on Saturday he had appointed a committee to look after the interests of protesters from the “Gota Go Home” village who have been camping at Galle Face Green in Colombo since April 9.



Wickremesinghe, who was appointed prime minister by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after asking his elder brother Mahinda Rajapaksa to resign, said young protesters in the village would be protected and their opinions sought in shaping future policy.

In an interview with the BBC Sinhala Service, the prime minister said the ‘Gota Go Gama’ protest should continue to bring about a change in the country’s political system and let the country’s youth take responsibility for leadership.

Wickremesinghe, the 73-year-old United National Party (UNP) leader, was named Sri Lanka’s 26th prime minister on Thursday as the country had been without a government since Monday when Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned after violence erupted following of an attack on anti -government protesters by his supporters.

The attack sparked widespread violence against Rajapaksa loyalists, killing nine people and injuring over 200 others.

Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna Party (SLPP) has thrown its weight behind Wickremesinghe and nearly all parties represented in the 225-member parliament have said that while they will not be part of Wickremesinghe’s government, they will support him in his efforts. to pull Sri Lanka out of the current economic crisis.

Political sources said two more ministers were to be appointed to the caretaker cabinet on Sunday. Rajapaksa named four on Saturday. At least 78 parliamentarians, including former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, had faced arson attacks on their private properties during the May 9 unrest.

At the meeting of the government parliamentary group held on Saturday, attendance was low as parliamentarians still fear for their lives despite the imposition of the curfew.

Those present blamed the Inspector General of Police for what they called “police inaction” to prevent the arson attacks on the properties of government parliamentarians.

Sri Lanka is going through the worst economic crisis since its independence in 1948.

A crippling shortage of foreign exchange reserves has led to long queues for fuel, cooking gas and other necessities, while power cuts and soaring food prices have deepened misery Population.

The economic crisis has also triggered a political crisis in Sri Lanka and a demand for the resignation of the powerful Rajapaksas.

President Rajapaksa sacked his cabinet and appointed a younger cabinet in response to demands for his resignation. A continuous demonstration in front of its secretariat has now lasted for more than a month.

(Only the title and image of this report may have been edited by Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)

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In post-Mugabe Zimbabwe, young people are driving political change https://juryteam.org/in-post-mugabe-zimbabwe-young-people-are-driving-political-change/ Fri, 13 May 2022 20:04:18 +0000 https://juryteam.org/in-post-mugabe-zimbabwe-young-people-are-driving-political-change/ On the outside, Gift Ngwarati, who lives in rural Zimbabwe, is a supporter of Zanu-PF, the party that has ruled his country almost since birth. But inside, he supports the opposition. He doesn’t dare say it in public, because Zanu-PF militants can become violent. But Mr Ngwarati says he is just one of many opposition […]]]>

On the outside, Gift Ngwarati, who lives in rural Zimbabwe, is a supporter of Zanu-PF, the party that has ruled his country almost since birth. But inside, he supports the opposition.

He doesn’t dare say it in public, because Zanu-PF militants can become violent. But Mr Ngwarati says he is just one of many opposition supporters in his area who are fed up with economic mismanagement and poverty.

Why we wrote this

Driven by a younger generation that wants change, the waning support for Zimbabwe’s Zanu-PF party could be an indicator of the first democratic transition since independence in 1980.

Ninety percent of working-age Zimbabweans are out of formal employment, and annual inflation is nearing 100%. Government corruption is commonplace. The ground looks fertile for the opposition Citizens’ Coalition for Change, which says it will target rural voters in next year’s election campaign.

The last time a party other than Zanu-PF appeared to win an election 14 years ago, the government unleashed an orgy of violence that left hundreds dead and all but destroyed the opposition. Mr Ngwarati is keeping a low profile at the moment, but “I will speak out when I vote, in next year’s elections”, he said.

GOTORA, ZIMBABWE

For years, Gift Ngwarati has led a double life. To his neighbors here in Gotora, a village in Zimbabwe’s eastern Uzumba district, the 40-year-old is a staunch supporter of the ruling Zanu-PF party, so dedicated he is even a member of a committee local.

But Mr. Ngwarati’s secret is this: he supports the opposition party. And here, in the rural stronghold of the party that has ruled since independence, often through violence, it’s an allegiance he fears will cost him his life.

“Deep in my heart,” says Mr. Ngwarati, “I support the opposition. I want to change.”

Why we wrote this

Driven by a younger generation that wants change, the waning support for Zimbabwe’s Zanu-PF party could be an indicator of the first democratic transition since independence in 1980.

The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front, or Zanu-PF – has long ruled districts like Uzumba, rural areas where much of a brutal seven-year bush war was waged against British colonial rule .

Like many people in Uzumba, Zanu-PF’s founding father, the late President Robert Mugabe, belonged to the Zezuru clan, which played a key role in liberating Zimbabwe from white minority rule in 1980. Subsequently, he rose to power and during the first years of his tenure, Zimbabwe prospered to become one of the most prosperous and educated countries in Africa.

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What political change in Pakistan could mean for relations with India – The Diplomat https://juryteam.org/what-political-change-in-pakistan-could-mean-for-relations-with-india-the-diplomat/ Fri, 13 May 2022 12:29:21 +0000 https://juryteam.org/what-political-change-in-pakistan-could-mean-for-relations-with-india-the-diplomat/ Advertisement On April 11, Shehbaz Sharif was sworn in as Pakistan’s 23rd prime minister after Imran Khan was ousted by a vote of no confidence. Among the first international leaders to congratulate Sharif is Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Sharif warmly returned the favor, expressing a desire for “meaningful engagement” and a peaceful resolution of […]]]>

On April 11, Shehbaz Sharif was sworn in as Pakistan’s 23rd prime minister after Imran Khan was ousted by a vote of no confidence. Among the first international leaders to congratulate Sharif is Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Sharif warmly returned the favor, expressing a desire for “meaningful engagement” and a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute. The two leaders are said to have also exchanged letters through diplomatic channels.

Although this is an established diplomatic practice, it comes after a particularly turbulent phase in bilateral relations, which have been on a downward spiral since August 5, 2019, when New Delhi revoked the special status granted to the disputed region of Kashmir under Articles 370 and 35A. of the constitution of India. However, the continuation of the joint announcement of the ceasefire on February 25, 2021 and the explicit mention of improving relations with India, while keeping Kashmir at the heart of the bilateral relationship, in the very first Pakistan’s national security policy open the possibility of restoring diplomatic relations.

Although it remains to be seen whether the two governments possess the political will to reset the slowing relationship, the change of government in Pakistan provides an ideal environment to capitalize on the positive momentum to rejuvenate relations, despite the challenges on both sides. .

A View from Pakistan: The PML-N Approach

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Shehbaz Sharif’s eventual Indian policy should not be seen in isolation but in the context of the three terms in office of his older brother and member of the same political party, Nawaz Sharif. Many accounts have pointed to Nawaz Sharif’s “gentle approach” to India, including his meeting with former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee for peace talks in 1999 as well as sharing a good relationship with Modi. Marking what was seen as a break with Pakistan’s stance on Kashmir, Nawaz Sharif did not meet the Hurriyat leadership in 2014 during his final term. More so, the joint statement released after a major Ufa statement signed by then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Modi in 2015 did not mention Kashmir, which caused a backlash from Sharif.

Shehbaz Sharif has also often been portrayed as less hawkish towards India, unlike his predecessor. A businessman himself, he fostered commercial relations between the two countries. In 2013, Shehbaz, then chief minister of Pakistan’s Punjab province, visited India, where he met then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and met with Parkash Singh Badal, the chief minister from the Indian state of Punjab. During the meeting, Shehbaz Sharif called for a peaceful dialogue between the two counties.

Whether or not Shehbaz Sharif’s approach to India is an extension of his brother’s policy is a question for the future. However, it is important to note that the relationship with India is not only defined by the civil rulers of the country, but also by the military rulers. Perhaps the tone towards India is softer compared to Imran Khan’s government. However, a major policy change is highly unlikely for two reasons. The first reason is Pakistan’s current domestic turmoil. There has been substantial polarization in the Pakistani public after the no-confidence vote, including protests against the current government, and any reconciliation move towards India could lead to a major public backlash.

Secondly, in recent years, competition between the United States and China has intensified, which may impact India-Pakistan relations. Relations between Pakistan and China are marked by a history of cordial relations and strong strategic partnership, while bilateral relations between India and the United States have developed considerably in recent years, especially after the signing of the basic exchange and cooperation agreement during the 2+2 dialogue of 2020 and the establishment of the quadrilateral dialogue on security.

On several occasions, the United States and China have each called on India and Pakistan to work bilaterally and appear to have a common interest in averting the crisis in South Asia. However, the US partnership with India as a counterbalance to China undermines the potential role of the US and China as mediators in Pakistan-India relations.

For now, the prospects of the two neighbors working bilaterally without third-party mediation also seem unlikely given the growing power asymmetry between Pakistan and India and failed attempts at dialogue in the recent past. However, if leaders on both sides can look beyond their strategic relationships with extra-regional powers, they may be able to resolve their bilateral issues in the interest of regional stability in South Asia.

A view from India: is another “act of trust” possible?

Unlike India’s relatively stable political framework and cohesive political parties, Pakistan’s turbulent political history, frequent leadership changes and active military involvement in determining the country’s external relations have often aggravated the frequent fluctuations in bilateral dialogue on lasting peace. The memory of 1999 is still fresh in India: Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee undertook an act of trust and visited his Pakistani counterpart, then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, in Lahore, reopening the bus line between New Delhi and Lahore – only for the two countries to be locked in a bloody war in Kargil a few months later. Since the ousting of Nawaz Sharif in a military coup the same year, no Indian leader has taken unilateral action to dispel the mutual mistrust, fear and suspicion that dominates bilateral relations.

Domestically, the significant rise in anti-Pakistani rhetoric in India bodes ill for the possibility of healthy bilateral relations. Despite this, there is some hope for cautious optimism in India that relations with Pakistan can be improved under Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif: optimistic because of the relatively better past performance of PML-N governments in the face of to BJP leadership but cautious because Modi The BJP is very different from Vajpayee’s BJP, which has displayed the political will to radically transform relations with Pakistan without the rhetoric or actions of the current government.

New Delhi will be watching developments in Pakistan-US relations closely, as the Sharif government has declared its intention to engage “constructively and positively” with Washington. As Sino-US competition intensifies, Pakistan is more likely to side with its staunch ally China, which welcomed the Shehbaz Sharif government with a promise to always make Pakistan “a priority”. Nonetheless, Washington may choose to capitalize on this moment to restore relations with Islamabad, as the Ukraine crisis has exposed some strains in Indo-US relations and renewed the urgency to find more partners in Asia.

Like this article ? Click here to register for full access. Just $5 per month.

A closer relationship between Pakistan and the United States will undoubtedly cause some unease in New Delhi, which has in the past deterred India from pursuing relations with Washington. India has always rejected third-party mediation in the Kashmir issue – which it sees as an exclusively bilateral issue – and former US President Donald Trump’s offer to mediate has not gone down well. hosted in New Delhi. However, India’s apparent comfort with the UAE’s mediating role and the strong reaction to US MP Ilhan Omar’s visit to the disputed territory of Kashmir only show India’s specific unease with the close ties between Washington and Islamabad, despite the fact that its own relations with the former have grown enormously. during the last decade.

Look forward

Perhaps the most promising sign of improving relations is the ongoing ceasefire along the Line of Control, which has lasted since March 2021. The ceasefire came at a crucial time for the India, which worried about a two-front war amid clashes with China in Galwan. . Pakistan noted that it has never been shy about talking to India despite its vulnerability and loss of diplomatic clout, sharing the same motive of avoiding a two-pronged situation with an unstable Afghanistan in the west while actively curbing internal unrest. However, the unsuccessful record of past ceasefire agreements remains an unfortunate reminder that there is no simple solution to the protracted and historically rooted security problems plaguing bilateral relations.

Fortunately, there are many other areas that hold huge opportunities for cooperation, including trade. A World Bank study estimated that trade between India and Pakistan could reach $37 billion, up from just $2 billion in 2018. Influential voices in Pakistan are calling for the reopening of trade relations with India, as well as the government’s recent decision to lift a year-long ban on Indian imports of sugar and cotton, paves the way for the new government to refocus attention on this pressing issue. After sustained calls from politicians at the national level, the Indian government has also indicated its willingness to reopen trade relations with its neighbor, but has placed the responsibility on Pakistan.

This is an opportunity for the two governments to avoid past mistakes and decouple security issues from trade, which will help both countries’ economies hit by the pandemic. Despite tensions, steady progress in the construction of the Kartarpur Corridor – a four kilometer long visa-free corridor allowing Indian pilgrims to enter Kartarpur Sahib Gurdwara, Narowal District, Pakistan – throughout 2019 and its reopening in 2021, after the COVID-19 pandemic, indicates the diversity of India-Pakistan bilateral relations, which cannot and should not be defined solely from a security perspective.

Although a radical change in bilateral relations is unlikely and difficult, given the unstable state of the current Pakistani government and the strength of Hindu nationalism in India, progressive measures, whether through trade diplomacy or cultural, can go very far.

This piece originally appeared in Stimson Center’s South Asian Voices and has been republished with permission.

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What political change in Pakistan could mean for its relations with India – South Asian Voices https://juryteam.org/what-political-change-in-pakistan-could-mean-for-its-relations-with-india-south-asian-voices/ Mon, 02 May 2022 19:02:13 +0000 https://juryteam.org/what-political-change-in-pakistan-could-mean-for-its-relations-with-india-south-asian-voices/ On April 11, Shehbaz Sharif was sworn in as Pakistan’s 23rd prime minister after Imran Khan was ousted by a vote of no confidence. Among the first international leaders to congratulate Prime Minister Sharif is Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Prime Minister Sharif warmly returned the favor, expressing a desire for “meaningful engagement” and a […]]]>

On April 11, Shehbaz Sharif was sworn in as Pakistan’s 23rd prime minister after Imran Khan was ousted by a vote of no confidence. Among the first international leaders to congratulate Prime Minister Sharif is Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Prime Minister Sharif warmly returned the favor, expressing a desire for “meaningful engagement” and a peaceful resolution of the Kashmir dispute. The two leaders are said to have also exchanged letters through diplomatic channels.

Although this is an established diplomatic practice, it comes after a particularly turbulent phase in bilateral relations which have been on a downward spiral since August 5, 2019, when New Delhi revoked the special status granted to the region. disputed Kashmir under Sections 370 and 35A. of the constitution of India. However, the continuation of the joint announcement of the ceasefire on February 25, 2021 and the explicit mention of improving relations with India, while keeping Kashmir at the heart of the bilateral relationship, in the very first Pakistan’s national security policy open the possibility of restoring diplomatic relations. Although it remains to be seen whether the two governments possess the political will to reset the slowdown in relations, the change of government in Pakistan provides an ideal environment to capitalize on the positive momentum to rejuvenate relations, despite the challenges on both sides. .

A View from Pakistan: The PML-N Approach

Shehbaz Sharif’s possible Indian policy should not be seen in isolation but in the context of the three terms in office of his older brother and member of the same political party, Nawaz Sharif. Many accounts have pointed to Nawaz Sharif’s “gentle approach” to India, including his meeting with former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee for peace talks in 1999 as well as sharing a good relationship with Modi. Marking what was seen as a break with Pakistan’s stance on Kashmir, Nawaz Sharif did not meet the Hurriyat leadership in 2014 during his final term. More so, the joint statement issued after a major statement from Ufa signed by then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Modi in 2015 did not mention Kashmir, which caused a backlash from Sharif.

… It is important to note that the relationship with India is not only defined by the civilian rulers of the country, but also by the military rulers. Perhaps the tone towards India may be softer compared to Imran Khan’s government, however, a major change in policy is highly unlikely…

Shehbaz Sharif has also often been portrayed as less hawkish towards India unlike his predecessor. A businessman himself, he fostered commercial relations between the two countries. In 2013 Prime Minister Shehbaz visited India and met then Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and had a meeting with Minister of State Prakash Singh Badal. During the meeting, he called for a peaceful dialogue between the two counties.

Whether or not Shehbaz Sharif’s approach to India is an extension of his brother’s policy is a question for the future. However, it is important to note that the relationship with India is not only defined by the civil rulers of the country, but also by the military rulers. Perhaps the tone towards India is perhaps softer compared to Imran Khan’s government, however, a major change in policy is highly unlikely for two reasons. The first reason is Pakistan’s current domestic turmoil. There has been substantial polarization in the Pakistani public following the vote of no confidence, including protests against the current government and any move towards India in reconciliation efforts could lead to a major public backlash. Second, in recent years, competition between the United States and China has intensified, which has the potential to inform India-Pakistan relations. Relations between Pakistan and China are marked by a history of cordial relations and strong strategic partnership, while bilateral relations between India and the United States have developed considerably in recent years. This is especially the case after the signing of the basic exchange and cooperation agreement during the 2020 2+2 dialogue and the establishment of a partnership within the framework of the quadrilateral dialogue on security.

On several occasions, the United States and China have each called on India and Pakistan to work bilaterally and appear to have common interests in preventing crises in South Asia. However, the US partnership with India as a counterbalance to China undermines the potential role of the US and China as mediators in Pakistan-India relations. For now, the prospects of the two neighbors working bilaterally without third-party mediation also seem unlikely given the growing power asymmetry between Pakistan and India and failed attempts at dialogue in the recent past. However, if leaders on both sides can look beyond their strategic relationships with extra-regional powers, they may be able to resolve their bilateral issues in the interests of South Asian regional stability.

A view from India: is another “act of trust” possible?

Unlike India’s relatively stable political framework and cohesive political parties, Pakistan’s turbulent political history, frequent leadership changes and active military involvement in determining the country’s external relations have often aggravated the frequent fluctuations in the bilateral dialogue on a lasting peace. The memory of Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee undertaking an act of trust and visiting his Pakistani counterpart, then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, in Lahore and reopening the bus route between New Delhi and Lahore in 1999 only for the two countries to be locked in a bloody war in Kargil a few months later, still remains fresh in India. Since the ousting of Nawaz Sharif in a military coup the same year, no Indian leader has taken unilateral action to dispel the mutual mistrust, fear and suspicion that dominates bilateral relations.

Since the ousting of Nawaz Sharif in a military coup [in 1999]no Indian leader has taken unilateral action to dispel the mutual mistrust, fear and suspicion that dominate bilateral relations.

Domestically, the significant rise in anti-Pakistani rhetoric in India bodes well for the future possibility of healthy bilateral relations. Despite this, there is some hope for cautious optimism in India that relations with Pakistan can improve under Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. Optimistic due to relatively better past performance of PML-N governments with BJP leadership, but cautious as Modi’s BJP is very different from Vajpayee’s BJP, which has displayed the political will to radically transform relations with Pakistan without the rhetoric or actions of the current government.

New Delhi will be watching developments in US-Pakistan relations closely, as the Sharif government has declared its intention to engage “constructively and positively” with Washington. As US-China competition intensifies, Pakistan is more likely to side with its staunch ally China, which hailed the election of Shehbaz Sharif with a promise to always make Pakistan ‘a priority’ . Nonetheless, Washington may choose to use this moment to restore relations with Islamabad, as the Ukraine crisis has exposed some strains in US-India relations and renewed the urgency to find more partners in Asia. A closer relationship between the United States and Pakistan will no doubt cause some unease in New Delhi, which has deterred India from pursuing relations with Washington. India has always rejected third-party mediation in the Kashmir issue – which it sees as an exclusively bilateral issue – and former US President Donald Trump’s offer to mediate has not gone down well. hosted in New Delhi. However, India’s apparent comfort with the UAE’s mediating role and the strong reaction to Congresswoman Ilhan Omar’s visit to the disputed territory of Kashmir only show India’s specific unease with close ties between Washington and Islamabad, despite its own relationship with the former which has developed enormously. during the last decade.

Look forward

Perhaps the most promising sign of improving relations is the ongoing ceasefire on the Line of Control, which has lasted since March 2021. The ceasefire came at a crucial time for India , who worried about a two-pronged war amid clashes with China in Galwan. . Pakistan noted that it had never hesitated to enter into talks with India despite its vulnerability and loss of diplomatic clout, sharing the same reason to avoid a two-pronged situation with unstable Afghanistan in the west while actively curbing internal unrest. However, the unsuccessful record of past ceasefire agreements remains an unfortunate reminder that there is no simple solution to the protracted and historically rooted security problems plaguing bilateral relations.

This is an opportunity for the two governments not to repeat the mistakes of the past and to decouple security issues from trade, which will help the struggling economies of both countries.

Fortunately, there are many other areas that hold immense opportunities for cooperation, including trade. A World Bank study estimated that trade between India and Pakistan could reach $37 billion, up from just $2 billion in 2018. Influential voices in Pakistan advocating reopening of trade relations with India, as well as the government’s recent decision to lift a two-year ban on Indian sugar and cotton imports, sets the stage for the new government to refocus attention on this pressing issue. After sustained calls from politicians at the national level, the Indian government has also indicated its willingness to reopen trade relations with its neighbor, but has placed the responsibility on Pakistan.

This is an opportunity for the two governments not to repeat the mistakes of the past and to decouple security issues from trade, which will help the struggling economies of both countries. Despite tensions, steady progress in the construction of the Kartarpur Corridor – a four kilometer long visa-free corridor allowing Indian pilgrims to enter Kartarpur Sahib Gurdwara, Narowal District, Pakistan – throughout 2019 and its reopening in 2021, after the COVID-19 pandemic, indicates the diversity of the Indo-Pakistani bilateral relationship, which cannot and should not be defined solely through the prism of security. Although a radical change in bilateral relations is unlikely and difficult, given the unstable state of the current Pakistani government and the strength of Hindu nationalism in India, progressive measures, whether through commercial diplomacy or cultural, can go very far.

***

Image 1: Giridhar Appaji Nag via Flickr

Image 2: MEA photography via Flickr

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Black Cal students’ theories of political change unfold over decades in ‘The Incrementalist’ https://juryteam.org/black-cal-students-theories-of-political-change-unfold-over-decades-in-the-incrementalist/ Mon, 25 Apr 2022 07:00:00 +0000 https://juryteam.org/black-cal-students-theories-of-political-change-unfold-over-decades-in-the-incrementalist/ Anna Marie Sharpe and Sam Jackson in Cleavon Smith The Incrementalist. Credit: Kevin Berne This incisive and stimulating world premiere of The Incrementalist by Cleavon Smith is located very close to you, directly on the UC Berkeley campus. The play dramatically depicts the struggles for meaningful change in campus life by members of the Black […]]]>
Anna Marie Sharpe and Sam Jackson in Cleavon Smith The Incrementalist. Credit: Kevin Berne

This incisive and stimulating world premiere of The Incrementalist by Cleavon Smith is located very close to you, directly on the UC Berkeley campus.

The play dramatically depicts the struggles for meaningful change in campus life by members of the Black Student Union. The Incrementalist points out that the conflict between black students and the administration of UC Berkeley has been simmering for many years. In this piece, we observe the tense discussions of black students about the viability of incremental change versus more immediate action in the years 1992 and 2022.

In the 1992 scenes, we are introduced to the student, Nina, excellently played by Anne Marie Sharpe, and the instigator, Marteen (the fabulous Sam Jackson, Father daughter). In a natural back-and-forth repartee, the two students talk, love each other, make fun of each other and plot their schemes. Nina is not as confrontational and radical as Marteen. His interest in working within the system becomes apparent 30 years later when an older Nina (played by Cathleen Riddley) becomes Cal’s vice-chancellor.

In 2022, two leaders of the Black Student Union, Miriam (Anna Marie Sharpe) and her lover, the most revolutionary Raz (Sam Jackson), reflect some of the arguments of the previous generation. Campus police had broken Raz’s collarbone in what the students wanted to be a peaceful protest. As a result, Nina wants the Black Student Union to participate in a campus-wide dialogue to calm things down. But Raz thinks such discussions serve no purpose other than to hide the problem from the Cal administration.

Cathleen Riddley and Michael J. Asberry. Credit: Kevin Berne

The back and forth between the years 1992 and 2022 provides much of the drama and some of the confusing and awkward elements of the production. In awkwardly staged moments, 2022’s Nina remains mute and observes herself younger with Marteen.

Credit: Aurora Theater

And then there’s 2022’s character, Thomas (Michael J. Asberry), an old friend of Nina’s since grad school. He is a black intellectual and public author who wrote a book on how to hold difficult conversations. Nina brought him in to facilitate dialogue on campus. It’s clear that his main interest is to sell his book and help his friend (in that order). But we don’t learn enough about him to understand his relationship with Nina.

The Incrementalist shines in its first-class acting, the flawless direction of Dawn Monique Williams, and the well-written natural banter between students of every generation. Their passion, love, political theories, humor, body language and unaffected use of slang are brilliantly believable. The plot twists, including a late second-act coincidence and a last-minute resolution to the dispute on campus, are unworthy of the rest of the play.

Clevon Smith. Credit: Aurora Theater

Cleavon Smith, the renowned playwright of The apartments and English professor at Berkeley City College, received the 2020 Aurora Theater Company Originate+Generate Award for writing a play from start to finish, with development support from Aurora which included rehearsals with actors and directors. And Smith took advantage of that perspective to see the work through many iterations as the political landscape grew and changed dramatically. With The Incrementalist, he tackled a complex subject and succeeded in exploring its facets with an original and authentic approach. Cleavon Smith is to be commended.

Don’t miss the effective cinematic montage of various Berkeley scenes over the years, which is featured as the play’s backdrop and during intermission.

Live performances at the Aurora Theater in Berkeley run through May 15. The streaming performances are available May 10-15. The Incrementalist runs for two hours, including a 10-minute intermission. Proof of vaccination and wearing a mask is required. Tickets cost between $20 and $78. For information and tickets, visit the theater’s website or call 510-843-4822.

Longtime East Bay resident Emily S. Mendel has been Berkeleyside’s freelance theater and arts critic since 2012.

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Religions for Responsible Governance affirms solidarity in demanding political change and transparency https://juryteam.org/religions-for-responsible-governance-affirms-solidarity-in-demanding-political-change-and-transparency/ Fri, 22 Apr 2022 18:51:40 +0000 https://juryteam.org/religions-for-responsible-governance-affirms-solidarity-in-demanding-political-change-and-transparency/ Religions for Accountable Governance (RRG) said in a statement yesterday that they stand in solidarity with the growing number of people demanding political change and transparency, with an end to the immense economic hardship and suffering people are facing. faced daily. “We agree that the president, who must bear the ultimate responsibility for the […]]]>

Religions for Accountable Governance (RRG) said in a statement yesterday that they stand in solidarity with the growing number of people demanding political change and transparency, with an end to the immense economic hardship and suffering people are facing. faced daily.

“We agree that the president, who must bear the ultimate responsibility for the current debacle, should step down with his government, paving the way for an interim administration; and call for an immediate change in our corrupt and incompetent political culture. This process of change must include a return to the 19th Amendment and the abolition of the executive presidency,” the statement read.

The RRG firmly believes that future parliamentarians will no longer be allowed to serve their own selfish interests. They will be held accountable, because the people are fed up with their lies, arrogance and power games that have plunged the country into crisis after crisis. If we are able to find lawmakers with integrity who will serve the needs and interests of the people and who will not seek political advantage, this crisis can be reversed to bring economic stability and a dignified quality of life for all, starting with the most vulnerable among us.

The RRG also deeply appreciates that the current grassroots protest movement has risen above narrow ethnic and religious agendas, with the potential to unite all Sri Lankans. He converted a set of passive political supporters into active citizens, which is the need of the hour. As part of this process, citizens as well as all our political parties and religions are called upon to change their divisive and sectarian attitudes. It has been the scourge of our national life for decades.

The RRG also demands that people’s struggles be free from violence. All demonstrations must be peaceful and members of the police and armed forces must exercise restraint. Their duty is to maintain law and order, protect citizens and ensure lawful demonstrations. As a nation, we have bitter memories of three armed struggles and repeated political violence that caused immense suffering, death and destruction. Our beloved nation cannot take any more.

However, shooting unarmed protesters with live ammunition, which killed one and injured more than 20 protesters as happened in Rambukkana, is against all basic norms. We condemn this action for which the government must take responsibility.

It is also a timely opportunity for all Sri Lankans; citizens and legislators, to engage in introspection. We need to reflect on our values ​​and our behavior and accept our share of responsibility that has led to the unprecedented crises we face today.

The RRG hopes that the momentum of today’s grassroots movement and timely constitutional changes will transform our nation into a truly just and reconciled society in which all communities are equal and free.

Signed by

Galkande Dhammananda Thero

Bishop Duleep de Chickera

Rev. Fernando Christmas

Swami Gunatitananda Saraswathi

Ash Sheikh SHM Faleel

Ash Sheikh M. Abdullah

Ash Sheikh MMM Muneer

Sister Rasika Peiris

Diyakaduwe Somananda Thero

Emeritus Professor Hemantha Senanayake

Dr. Tara de Mel

Harsha Gunasena

Condred Dilshan Fernando

K.V. Kamal


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Five strategies for thriving in political change https://juryteam.org/five-strategies-for-thriving-in-political-change/ Fri, 22 Apr 2022 02:31:55 +0000 https://juryteam.org/five-strategies-for-thriving-in-political-change/ Take care. Take care of each other. Feed on what you do. Eat well. To keep fit. Don’t eat lunch at your desk. Don’t eat or exercise with this hasty feeling that something is more important. Feed your body as well as your mind. Take the time to reflect. Build reflective practice into your work. […]]]>

Take care. Take care of each other.

Feed on what you do. Eat well. To keep fit. Don’t eat lunch at your desk. Don’t eat or exercise with this hasty feeling that something is more important. Feed your body as well as your mind.

Take the time to reflect. Build reflective practice into your work. Don’t buy into the ever-increasing rush that means bad decisions are made. Allow time for deceleration.

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Esther Anatolitis is one of Australia’s most influential arts advocates. She is Vice President of Contemporary Arts Precincts, the team behind Collingwood Yards, and Honorary Associate Professor at RMIT School of Art. Esther has led arts and media organizations across all art forms, and her consultancy Test Pattern focuses on creative practice, policy and enclosure, as well as advocacy and public value. One of the hallmarks of Esther’s artistic leadership career has been her tenacious civic engagement, ensuring that artists’ voices and artistic issues are high on political agendas. This work ranges from strategy development and private advice to public events, regional fringe seat forums, candidates’ debates, specialist workshops and Australia’s first arts advocacy training programme. A prolific writer, Esther’s work regularly appears in literary journals, newspapers, and in arts and design media. His book Place, Practice, Politics is published by Spurbuch. Follow her on Twitter: @_esther.

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Mary Lou McDonald thinks Ireland is ready for ‘profound political change’ https://juryteam.org/mary-lou-mcdonald-thinks-ireland-is-ready-for-profound-political-change/ Fri, 15 Apr 2022 14:33:38 +0000 https://juryteam.org/mary-lou-mcdonald-thinks-ireland-is-ready-for-profound-political-change/ Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald believes Ireland is ready for “profound political change” in the next election. An opinion poll published this week revealed that Sinn Fein is currently the most popular political group in the country with 33%. Despite being in this position, it remains to be seen whether they will be elected […]]]>

Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald believes Ireland is ready for “profound political change” in the next election.

An opinion poll published this week revealed that Sinn Fein is currently the most popular political group in the country with 33%. Despite being in this position, it remains to be seen whether they will be elected ahead of the Fine Fail/Fine Gael coalition in the next general election.

Despite the two ruling parties standing at 48% combined in the poll, the Sinn Fein leader still believes her party can break up the coalition.

Sinn Fein leader Mary Lou McDonald believes Ireland is ready for “profound political change” in the next election. (Photo by Charles McQuillan/Getty Images)

Speaking to Claire Byrne on RTE Radio One, Ms McDonald said: ‘I think it’s been really interesting since the last election the trend of what’s going on we’ve obviously had a very successful general election and we’ve managed to grow our base since. We don’t take any of this for granted.

“The extraordinary thing when you think about it is that you have the combined strengths of Fine Fail and Fine Gael still well below 50%. This would have been unthinkable not so long ago.

“The stage is set for very profound political change. I think that will crystallize during the next election campaign.

Claire Byrne RTE Radio 1
Mary Lou McDonald spoke with presenter Claire Byrne. Photo: RTE News/Twitter

Asked by Claire how a campaign could bring about such big change in government, Ms McDonald stressed that there is an “appetite for change”.

She explained: “Campaigns change everything, campaigns are when people are confronted in real time with the prospect of either the same thing… or an alternative in Sinn Fein.

“The appetite for change is beyond us, it’s not just a Sinn Fein phenomenon, it’s beyond that.” I believe we can harvest that for the next election. Whoever will be part of the government, in all likelihood, you would need partners.

“I think decisions about all of this should be based on the substance of what you want to do, what you want to change, what you want to improve for the people of Ireland.”

Marie-Lou McDonald
The Sinn Fein leader said her party was the most popular in Ireland. Photo: Gareth Chaney/Collins

Admitting it is likely Sinn Fein would need partners, Ms McDonald does not believe the two parties currently in power are their only options.

“There is politics beyond Fine Fail and Fine Gael, there are a lot of other players on the pitch who I think have a lot to offer and who are also looking to build their tenure,” a- she declared.

Claire pointed out that if a vote were to take place tomorrow, it would likely result in a “continuity vote”, which Ms McDonald said is not the best way to look at the results.

“There’s no one looking at the numbers and the way things have changed who could miss the fact that the appetite and the politics for change are very, very strong.” I think it will stay that way and accelerate until the next election,” she said.

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Politics, Reform and Political Change – Journal https://juryteam.org/politics-reform-and-political-change-journal/ Fri, 15 Apr 2022 02:26:09 +0000 https://juryteam.org/politics-reform-and-political-change-journal/ PUBLIC policies struggle to survive and reform programs stall in times of political change. At best, uncertainty surrounds them; at worst, they are discarded by political opponents when they come to power, especially if they are identified with previous rulers. Policy implementation also slows during political turmoil. Politics must struggle to retain or regain momentum […]]]>

PUBLIC policies struggle to survive and reform programs stall in times of political change. At best, uncertainty surrounds them; at worst, they are discarded by political opponents when they come to power, especially if they are identified with previous rulers.

Policy implementation also slows during political turmoil. Politics must struggle to retain or regain momentum under a new administration. They try to cajole, readjust, tweak, change their dress and yet can die from lack of attention and from the reluctance and anger of the new masters. With a change of crew, the merit of a policy takes a back seat and political expediency takes the wheel.

Public policies, especially social policies, are usually the first to suffer as they are easy targets for short-sighted policies. Security, defence, energy, economy and trade are relatively difficult to manage, at least initially, but education, health, environment, population welfare and rural development are easy targets.

At a time when political change is taking place in Pakistan – and what a dramatic and dangerous political change, with the tightrope politics that comes with it – it is pertinent to remember that good policies that will benefit the people must be retained rather than abandoned simply because the PTI government formulated them.

Lily: Health and macroeconomic policies

Let’s elaborate with a few varied examples from the health sector and see how political and social turmoil affects the spread of disease.

There is ample evidence that in polio eradication programs in Pakistan and other countries, election year results in polio cases. Shah Meer Baloch wrote in 2019: “After the 2013 general elections, the number of polio cases increased to 306 in 2014 before dropping to 54 in 2015, 20 in 2016 and only eight in 2017. In 2018 another election year, cases again rose to 12. In the first six months of 2019, 32 polio cases were recorded across the country…. His sobering conclusion was that polio cases increased after every political transition.

The good policies formulated by the previous government must be retained by the new configuration.

Let us now look at an important example of a health program and see how it evolved and survived through different governments and in different regions of Pakistan.

The country has seen phenomenal progress in the social health insurance system. At the national level, it was launched by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif in 2016 as a health program for the poor. It was called “The Prime Minister’s National Health Programme”. Poor families in Islamabad, Punjab and Balochistan have benefited from this financial protection program in the event of hospitalization.

During the launch of the programme, the Prime Minister said: “I wish that the provinces which are not part of the program [Sindh and KP] also adhere to the scheme. It is not a question of politics. But it was above all a question of politics. KP was then managed by the PTI and they did not accept the federal offer, but nevertheless launched their own health insurance program – the Sehat Insaf card.

Fast forward to 2018, when the PTI formed the federal government. Sindh was ruled by the PPP which refused to be part of the program. Seeing this political tragedy, which was denying health insurance to the people of Sindh, myself, and later Dr. Faisal Sultan, convinced the Prime Minister to change the name of the card from the Sehat Insaf card to the Qaumi card Sehat, what finally happened.

We wanted to do this in order to isolate this important program from political change, so that it would not be identified with a particular political party. The PTI nevertheless used the map for political purposes by universalizing it. So what started as a healthcare financial protection scheme for those who couldn’t pay is now also available to the wealthy in Punjab, KP, Azad Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan and Islamabad. . It will then be difficult to support the program financially or to ensure the quality of services. More importantly, the rich can crowd out the poor.

What will happen to the program currently under the PML-N-led coalition government remains to be seen. I hope they bring it back to vulnerable populations and institutionally strengthen the program, and that with Sindh now part of the coalition government, the province will also consider introducing it.

Sometimes governments roll back reforms out of political enmity. My writing of this column was triggered by a recent article alluding to the proposed reversal of reforms to the Medical Council of Pakistan and the Higher Education Commission. Sooner or later, the authorities’ attention may turn to the National Institute of Health and the Law on the Reform of Medical Education Institutions and some other institutional reforms, including the establishment of various health regulatory authorities.

It would be a mistake to reverse the reform process simply because they were introduced by the PTI government. There should be a proper objective assessment before any change.

I hope the new government can make special efforts to strengthen primary health care in the country. Therein lies the real problem and therein lies the real solutions to providing essential health care.

About 70% of the country’s essential health services can be provided at the primary health care level. If primary health care is strengthened and its quality assured, it would ease the burden on tertiary level hospitals which are currently bursting under patient pressure. Also, it will increase the vital health indicators which are currently abysmal. Universal health coverage is not possible without strong primary health care.

Another critical area is meaningful engagement with the private health sector to achieve universal health care based on primary health care in the country. Our Ministries of Health themselves need institutional reform and a special cadre of civil service needs to be put in place for doctors and other health professionals. Currently, a physician can retire in grade 17 since there is no career path. These are some of the areas that the previous government aspired to change but could not make substantial progress.

The author is a former SAPM Health, Professor of Health Systems at Shifa Tameer-i-Millat University and WHO Advisor on UHC.

zedefar@gmail.com

Posted in Dawn, April 15, 2022

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Fitch predicts economic challenges will persist despite political shifts https://juryteam.org/fitch-predicts-economic-challenges-will-persist-despite-political-shifts/ Wed, 13 Apr 2022 06:30:19 +0000 https://juryteam.org/fitch-predicts-economic-challenges-will-persist-despite-political-shifts/ Despite the change in political configuration, the challenges remain the same and the problems of inflation, external risks and supply disruption are expected to weigh heavily on the Pakistani economy in the days to come. “The recent change of government in Pakistan has been peaceful, however, it raises short-term political uncertainty as the country faces […]]]>

Despite the change in political configuration, the challenges remain the same and the problems of inflation, external risks and supply disruption are expected to weigh heavily on the Pakistani economy in the days to come.

“The recent change of government in Pakistan has been peaceful, however, it raises short-term political uncertainty as the country faces external and fiscal challenges related to rising commodity prices and an increase in global risk aversion,” Fitch Ratings said in a statement Tuesday.

“The authorities’ policy agenda remains central to Pakistan’s ability to refinance its medium-term external debt, as well as our rating assessment, which we affirmed at ‘B-‘/stable in February 2022.”

He was of the view that the recent oil price shock would aggravate the current account deficit, adding to the already high gross external financing needs resulting from a high debt repayment schedule.

“We now expect a current account deficit of about 5% of GDP (about $18.5 billion) for the fiscal year ending in June 2022, down from 4% in the February review,” the official said. ‘rating agency.

“We expect this to moderate to around 4% in fiscal year 2022-23 as oil prices decline.”

Pakistan faces $20 billion in external debt repayments in the 2022-23 financial year, though this includes $7 billion in Chinese and Saudi deposits that Fitch says will be rolled over.

Higher trade deficits and capital outflows caused the Pakistani rupee to depreciate sharply against the US dollar. This, together with debt repayments, put pressure on the liquid foreign exchange reserves of the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), which fell by $5.1 billion between the end of February and April 1, 2022 to reach $11.3 billion.

“We believe the decline also partly reflects the repayment of a $2.4 billion loan from China that is due for renewal,” he said.

The implementation of reforms by the previous government, in line with the $6 billion program of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), helped strengthen its access to global debt markets.

It was highlighted by Pakistan’s issuance of a $1 billion Sukuk in January 2022.

Since then, the country’s access to financing from private creditors has been challenged by external factors, such as rising US interest rates and heightened investor risk aversion around the Ukraine conflict.

“We believe setbacks in reform or the IMF program would make access even more difficult,” Fitch said.

The change of government could complicate the timely completion of the three remaining IMF program reviews.

Senior officials from the main parties in the new government have indicated that they plan to maintain their engagement with the IMF. However, negotiations around key revenue-raising reforms could prove lengthy, especially as the government is a broad coalition of disparate political parties.

New fuel subsidies introduced in March as part of efforts to contain inflation have already added to the complications facing negotiations on medium-term program and fiscal consolidation, as have the upcoming elections, which are still planned by mid-2023.

Fitch believes Pakistan has the ability to manage its short-term external liquidity position if political uncertainty is resolved relatively quickly and commodity prices do not rise materially above forecasts for 2022-23.

“We expect its access to bilateral funding to remain robust, particularly from China. The strong bilateral relationship between the two countries is unlikely to be significantly weakened by Pakistan’s change in leadership.

The change of government will test the degree of institutionalization of recent reforms, such as the independence of the SBP and the more market-determined exchange rate.

“We would consider the slippage of the reform momentum as a negative credit. Looking further ahead, if the authorities are unable to pursue fiscal consolidation, we expect Pakistan’s access to market funding to remain constrained,” the rating agency said.

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